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1 


T/foe/s/Z/n 


THE SHEFFIELD 

ANARCHIST 

PAY WHAT YOU LIKE NOV 1977 (VOL. I. NO. 13.) 



A POLITICIAN IS AN ARSE UPON WHICH 
EVERYONE HAS SAT EXCEPT A MAN 


APOLOGIA 


Well, we*ve at last managed to bring 
out Vol.l No. 13 of "The Sheffield Anarchist" 
Without delving into the details connected 
with this delay, of about 25 months, we 
feel that some attempt should be made at 
explanation. 

Firstly, we never intended to produce 
‘regular* issues as such, but felt that 
the emphasis should instead lay in quality 
and publication would depend on sufficient 
material of the right type being available. 
It was thought at the time that Vol.l No. 11 i 
was prepared (and this has since been 
vindicated) that a high proportion of 
illustrations, cartoons and the such would 
be more helpful in getting anarchist ideas 
across, to both the committed and the 
uncommited, than would page after page of 
unbroken script, no matter how well 
argued such material might be. 

We were fortunate in having a very 
competent artist, much concerned with 
layout and wholly responsible for the 
artwork in No*s 11 & 12. This set (for us) 
a very higjt standard to be maintained. 
Unfortunately, the individual cineerned 
has sinoe felt that his talents were 
better expressed in other directions; 
this left a considerable gap between 
our expressed intentions and our actual 
achievements, due to our lack of alternative 
illustrative skills. This, together with a 
certain degree of apathy and a bit of a 
’manana* state of mind (the curse of many 
anarchist individuals and groupings) on 
the part of all comrades, coupled with 
the fact that after No. 12 came out many 
comrades took up committments (such as 
Jobs) which they did not previously have, 
accounts for the delay. Another reason 
was a minor cash-flow problem (NOT, we 
must emphasise, lack of cash) due to lack 
of consideration of structural arrangements 
on our part. 

Anyway, after all that is said, Vol.l 
No. 13 is now out, indicating the constancy, 
if not consistency and efficiency, of 
Sheffield comrades. Let*s hope that we*ve 
sorted-out at least some of the difficulties 
and that No. 14 will not take so long 
to appear. 



57 VARlCTiSS 

— Au. u*>P»r 
PoA HUMAN 


anarchismanarchismanarchismanarehismanarchismanarchis 

No man is good enough 
to be another 
Woman’s master 


anarehismanarchismanarchismanarchismanarchismanarchis 

w 

No/man is good enough 
to be another 
man’s master 



WHO NEEDS A SYSTEM WHERE WE 
ALWAYS END UP VOTING FOR THE 
LESSER OF TWO EVILS? 


2 



WHAT'S HAPPENING AMONGST 


ANARCHISTS IN SHEFFIELD 


THIS publication is produced by Sheffield 
Anarohists as an aid to the wider 
dissemination of the libertarian viewpoint 
in the Sheffield area and elsewhere. 

VOL. 1, No. 1. was originally published 
in 1891, and was intended to be brought out 
at fortnightly intervals. However, pressures 
from the law, Christians, polioe and 
authority in general (anti-terrorist 
activity was used as a pretext) ensured 
its closure after ten issues, three of 
which we have copies of. 

OUR anarchist aspirations remain 
unaltered, and we have attempted to 
continue the previous ’’editorial policy” 
as far as modern printing techniques, 
layout, and method of presentation allow. 

THE paper has never had a fixed price, 
in order that the want of a few pence 
shall not prevent the sharing of our ideas. 
However, if you do give generously, this 
means that we shall be able to make more 
copies available for free distribution. 

All monies received are used in this way. 

We pay ourselves no wages, under any 
guise, and have no expense account, and 
support no other enterprise. 

ALL contributions ef a libertarian, 
amarohist, pagan, humanist nature (articles, 
letters, oartoens, Jokes, poetry, etc.) 
will be thankfully received. Selection 
for inclusion in the paper occurs only on 
grounds of space, so brevity is preferable 
te long-windednesa . 

FURTHER oopies of this paper are available 
from; — 

UJAMAA, 

>41 GLOSSOP ROAD, 

SHEFFIELD S10 2HP 

ANARCHISTS in Sheffield may be contacted 
via Des, e/e UJamaa, or at our regular 
Tuesday gatherings (social, if not 
socialist in nature) at 10, Hanover Sq., 
Sheffield > at 7->0pw for 8-00pm (Tel. 
731780). 

Crashing space for visiting comrades 
is available at 4, Havelock Sq., Sheff. 10 


3 


DURING the last few months, there 
has been an encouraging upturn in the 
degree of communication and aotivity on 
the part of comrades here in Sheffield. 

Locally, we are meeting one another 
more frequently, both socially and in 
more specifically anarchist contexts. 

We have arranged two moderately 
successful picnics in our surrounding 
countryside (beautiful moorland scenery) 
despite rather dull weather on both 
occasions. For more information on 
this topic, read * Picnic Propaganda* in 
this issue. Also, one of our rare 
general gatherings on November the 
Fifth (when else?) at which it was 
agreed to hold regular weekly meetings 
as an ongoing means of more effective 
contact and co-ordination in the region. 

A University group is in the 
process of formation, struggling 
valiantly through the tangled undergrowth 
of the Students Union bureaucracy whilst 
attempting to retain some vestige of 
libertarian function. 

A Black Flag/Black Cross grouping 
within the broader context of Sheffield 
Anarohists has also been proposed and 
has met with some support. 

Local anarchists who happen to be 
female feel no need of a separate 
feminist grouping as such. 

The Syndicate of Initiative has 
produced a prototype journal entitled 
*New Life* in which it is intended, 
amongst other things, to have more 
emphasis on current events than *The 
Sheffield Anarchist*. 

A deal of discussion has centered 
around the issue of propaganda in its 
various guises, including publications, 
posters, graffiti, leaflets, badges 
and the spoken word, and there is 
general agreement that this should not 
be limited to Sheffield, and finally, 
the exposing of this, our organ, to 
public appreciation or disdain, as the 
case may warrant. 


’’Whoever denies authority and 
fights against it is an anarchist” 

Sebastian Faure 


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4 





MARTYR 



- . . . 


.a.enict 


WEBSTER? 


AN interesting piece of information 
oulled from the pages of Searchlight no. 
28 (anti-fascist Journal), which many 
people probably won*t have seen is 
reproduced below: — 

A few months ago a meeting took 
place of the top brass of the Naiional 
Front, British Movement and Column 88 
(a semi-clandestine Nasi military 
organisationwith much influence in all 
extreme right groups in Britain - 88, 

8th letter of alphabet is H, so i 
88 - HH - Hell Hitler) to discuss an 
offer from a group of renegade Tories 
of very big financial assistance. There 
were, however, certain rigid strings 
attached to the offer, one of which was 
that the NF GETS RID OF MARTIN WEBSTER 
(their National Activities Organiser). 

The Tories* financial offer included 
funds for a new HQ for the Front and 
backing to double their print programme 
over the next 12 months. The Tory side 
inoluded a merchant banker, a property 
magnate and a prominent member of the 
House of Lords, who has in the past 
raised much money for the Tory party. 

5 


The souroe of the information is 
someone in the NF hierarchy who feels 
that any deal with any Tory element 
would be a betrayal of the NF*s National 
Socialist (ie Nasi) creed.lt seems that 
it wouldn*t be enough for Webster Just 
to be sacked from the Front, but what 
the people concerned have in mind is 
more in the line of Hitler* a "Final 
Solution", and this would at the same 
time provide the fascists with their 
first martyr, as the blame would be put 
on either the SWF or the IRA. 

Whilst I don*t care what the 
fascists do to one another and they can, 
if they wish, kill one another off as 
Hitler and the S3 did with the Brown- 
shirts in 19 and although disagreeing 
with the SWP and IRA, I feel that we, 
as anarchists should be concerned that 
blame for any such killing is not put 
on any left-wing or, more especially, 
anti-fascist group or individuals ). 

It is for this reason that such 
information should be publicised as 
widely as possible, as publlo knowledge 
of such plots would, hopefully, lessen 
the likelihood of such events ooouring. 



WEST GERMAN INDUSTRIALIST COMMITS SUICIDE 


t 


IN a sensational press conference 
today, it was revealed by the Bonn 
Government that industry chief, Hans 
Martin Schleyer, whose body was found 
in the boot of a car, had committed 
suicide . 

Medical and other experts who have 
examined the body and the oar stated 
that, contrary to earlier reports that 
Schleyer had either tried to out his 
throat or stab himself through the heart 
with a breadknife, he had in fact shot 
himself through the back of the head 
with a pistol; apparently the experts 
are undecided as to whether the pistol 
was a 7.65«ra or a 9®n>, as three bullets 
of differing calibre were found in the 
boot of the ear, only one of which had 
blood on it. Earlier reports that marks 
similar to wire-burns were found on 
Schleyer *s neck have been denied by the 
Government . 

The authorities publicly apologised 
to the Red Army Fraction, whom they had 
initially accused of murdering Dr. 
•ehleyer, and also said that they 
regretted having murdered Baader, Ensslin 
Raspe and for trying to murder Moeller 
in revenge for Schleyer *s death. It 
appears that Information emanating from 
the RAF, which has been checked and 
substantiated by the W. German government 
shows that Schleyer staged his suicide 
after making it seem that he had been 
kidnapped, and in such a way as to make 
it look as if he had been murdered by 
the RAF, even to the extent of using his 
left hand to hold the gun, even though 
he was usually right-handed. 

Further searches of the oar have 
also revealed explosives and razor-blades 


"One must always decide for 
oneself, and efforts to shift 
the burden of responsibility 
upon others are necessarily 
self-defeating. Not to choose 
is also to choose, for even if 
we deliver our power of decision 
to others, we are still 
responsible for having done so. 

It is always the individual 
who decides that others shall 
ehoose for him." 

R.G, Olsen *An Introduction n 
to Existentialism * 1962 


LIFE OF SCHLEYER 

1915 Born in Offenburg/Baden 
1931 Member of Hitler Youth 
1934 Student member of S3 (member 
no. 227014) - wore Golden 
Badge of Honour - head of 
Imperial Student Union of 
Heidelberg (a cover organiz- 
ation for German Security 
Service) - later carried- 
out same job in Innsbruck 
and Prague 

1927 Law student - S3 troop leader 
1938 Sent to Austria after union 

with Germany to organize fascist 
student organizations; and 
after 1940 to Prague where he 
worked in the 'Protectorate* 
to harness Czech industrial 
output for Nazi Germany* s war 
aims. Remained in Prague until 
a few days before it was 
liberated, and then headed 
"home for the Reich". Schleyer 
was already a high Nazi official, 
a reward for, as he put it, 

"being drawn into the struggle 
at an early stage". Arrested by 
Americans, he was held for 2 
yearsfor his war activities and 
then released - Americans were 
looking for people like him to 
run industry. 

1951 Began career with Daimler-Benz . 
1959 deputy member of manage- 
ment and by 1962 a director 
(Current manager of D-Benz, 

Dr. Joachim Zahn is another *old 
fighter* in the Nazi cause - 
his party number was 250-194) 
1972 Appointed head of Federal Union 
of German Employer Associations 
1976 President of Federation of 
German Industry 


REVOLUTION IS MADE NOT ON THE 
STREETS, BUT IN THE HEARTS AND 
MINDS OP WOMEN? 


WE DO NOT BECOME FREE BY 
CHAINING THE CHAINS, BUT 
BY BREAKING THEM! 


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*AV. I see ^jours bcks committed suicide U 
Whafc'3 the bekfc'fljf ne does +qq ?!’ 



TROTSKY ON THE SAILORS OF KRON3TKDT 

"...the pride and glory of the 
revolution" July 1917 

"You will be shot like partridges" 
March 1921 


WHAT British Anarchist founded a 
daily working-class newspaper? 


Apvrfc-r'i setter 

YOU TOO CAN KNOW ALL ABOUT POLITICS 
WITH THIS WONDERFUL NEW LIBRARY. 

You too can sit there night after 
night and discuss politics to your 
hearts content. On this cheap offer 
are Marx’s Das Capital, the complete 
works of Marcuse, Kropotkin and 
John Stuart Mill, edited editions 
of Engels, Lenin, Mao-Tse-Tung, 

Hitler and E.F .Schumacher . 

YOU TOO CAN BE A REVOLUTIONARY. 

NO EFFORT. 

NO THOUGHT. 

EASY INSTALLMENTS, 24-MONTH PLAN. 

Cultivate friends from the ease of 
your very own armchair. Have the mast 
powerful intellects and the leading 
figures of twenty years tim$ sit 
around your feet and listen aghast 
whilst you expound the secrets of 
the Universe. 


John Create, of Sheffield, founded 
'La Protesta* in Buenos Aries. 


ANARCHY IS FREEDOM. 

CHAOS IS WHAT WE HAVE NOW. 


IO 



BETTER BLACK THAN RED OR DEAD 


Anarchy Liberty . NOT Disorder 

A LARGE number of prisoners, feminists and one-time authoritarian Leftists have 
recently become conscious anarchists. Often this move has been prompted by negative 
experiences - the rejection of Marxism-Leninism or capitalism - rather than a firm 
understanding of anarchism as a positive revolutionary alternative. Many of those who 
turn to anarchism quickly abandon it because they see little being built and feel that 
it offers no organizational forms. But, in fact, anarchism contains solid structural 
alternatives to other forms of socialism. 

There have been three major forms of socialism — libertarian socialism (anarchism), 
* author itarian±nm* socialism (Marxist communism) and democratic socialism (electoral 
social democracy). The non-anarchist left has echoed the bourgeoisie *s portrayal of 
anarchism as an ideology of chaos and lunacy. But anarchism, and especially anarehist- 
oommunism, has nothing in common with this image; anarchists are social revolutionaries 
who seek a stateless, voluntary, co-operative federation of decentralized communities 
— based upon social ownership, individual liberty and autonomous se If -management . 

Organizationally, they differ from the author itarian revolutionary socialists, the 
Marxist -Leninists, in, primarily , three ways. Anarchists reject the M-L notions of the 
VANGUARD PARTY, DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM and the DICTATORSHIP OP THE PROLETARIAT, and 
HAVE alternatives to them. The problem is that almost the entire left, including some 
anarchists, is completely unaware of anarchism* s tangible structural alternatives of 
the CATALYST GROUP, ANARCHIST CONSENSUS and the MASS COMMUNE. 

CATALYST GROlfP 

The anarchist alternative to the VANGUARD PARTY is the CATALYST GROUP. In order 
to make a revolution, large-scale, co-ordinated movements are necessary, and their 
formationis, in no way, counter to anarchism; what anarchists are opposed to is 
hierarchical, power -tripping leadership AND undefined, ambiguous leadership which 
suppresses the creativity of the bulk of those involved. Obviously, some people are 
mere experienced, articulate or skilled than others, and these people will play 
leadership roles (although there is a conscious attenpt to pass on skills to each 
other), and they may form groups which drive forward, and help crystalize the potential 
for revolutionary change. The members of these groups reject hierarchical positions - 
having -more *offieial authority* than others - and, unlike the M-L vanguard parties, 
they won't perpetuate their leadership after the revolution. Instead, the catalyst 
group will be dissolved and its members, as individuals, will be absorbed as equal 
participants into the new societies collective deeision-making process. 

COtfTD. ©VI* 


11 



We don't want a group of authoritarians "leading" us, then establishing themselves 
as a neutralised decision-making command. Instead of Withering away', M-L parties 
have perpetuated authoritarian institutions to maintain their own power. The apparent 
effectiveness of sueh organisations -"we're just as efficient, disciplined and 
centralised as the capitalists" - masks the way that ’revolutionaries* who pattern 
themselves after capitalist institutions (domination, hierarchy) become absorbed by 
bourgeois values, and become completely isolated from the real needs and desires of 
ordinary people. 

ANARCHIST CONSENSUS 

While anarchist groups reach decisions through ANARCHIST C0NSEK3US, the M-L's 
organize through DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM by which each member of a group - ultimately 
cf a society - is subordinate to a "higher" member until one reaches the central 
committee. Members must participate when told to, even if they’re unsupportive of 
the proposed project, or face expulsion by thecentral committee. 

In anarchist groups, proposals are talked out by members (none of whom has 
authority over another), dissenting minorities are respected and each individual’s 
participation is voluntary. As anarchist writer Murray Bookchin points out: 
"Co-ordination and self-discipline must be achieved voluntarily, by virtue of the 
high moral and ^intellectual calibre of the revolutionary. To seek less than this is 
to aeeept , as a ’revolutionary', a mindless robot, a creature of authoritarian 
training, a manipulable agent who's antithetical to any society that could be 
remotely regarded as free." 

Anarchist organizations are structured around ongoing work-group committees. 
Unlike M-L groups in which new, inexperienced "cadre" are shovelled off into the 
shit Jobs of 'lower* committees (like ±u leaf letting and stamp-licking committees), 
anarchist work-groups are equal, structured around the interests of those involved 
and new members of the organization join the committee of their choice or start their 
own. 

When the size of the work-groups (which oould be groups organized around media, 
actions, theatre, finances...) becomes cumbersome, the organization can be 
decentralized into two, or several, autonomous organizations, still united in one 
large federation. This enables the group to expand limitlessly while maintaining its 
anarchic form of decentralized self -management. 

Anarchist groups aren't even NECESSARILY organized loosely; anarchism is flexible 
and structures oan be practically non-existent or very tight, depending upon the 
organization demanded by the conditions being faced. For instance, organization would 
tighten during military operations. 



12 





MASS COMMUNE 


Unlike Beakers of M-L parties, whose daily lives are generally similar' to present 
bourgeois lifestyles, anarchist organizational structures and lifestyles (through 
communes, trikes, affinity groups..,), attempt to reflect the liberated sooiety of 
the future. Since the M-L*s don’t build co-operative structures, the nucleus of the 
new society (anarchists buiklt them throughout the Spanish revolution), while tearing 
capitalism apart, they want to seize state power and institute their own ditatorship 
of the proletariat instead of orushing state power and replacing it with a 
co-operative, freee society. 

Of course the party, they insist, represents - IS - the proletariat, and just 
what it dictates is never really made clear. Instead of the DICTATORSHIP OP THE 
PROLETARIAT the anarchists propose the MASS COMMUNE. Anarchists look to a society 
in which real decision making involves everyone who lives in it - a mass commune, not 
a few discipline freaks pulling the strings on a so-called "proletarian” ditatorship. 
While Marxists claim that this dictatorship is necessary in order to crush bourgeois 
counter-revolutions, anarchists feel that such a centralized State apparatus is a 
much easier target for opponents of the revolution than is an array of decentralized 
communes. And these communes would remain armed and prepared to defend the revolution 
against anyone who militarily moves against it. 

WE don't need the M-L f s authoritarian solutions, but to much of the left the 
choice has appeared to be anarchic chaos or M-L organization, however authoritarian. 

But anarchism as an ideology provides feasible structural alternatives which, if 
utilized, could be the basis for organizations just as solid as those of the M-L's; 
only the organizations would be egalitarian. 

Anarchism isn't confined to the ideas of a speoific theoritician and it allows 
individual creativity to develop in collective groupings. Not being cultist, it 
encourages a great deal of innovation, prompting its adherents to respond realistically 
to contemparary conditions. 

The anarchist goal of total freedom isn't being stymied by the theory. It is, 
however, being obstructed by those of its adherents who feel that organization, 
political committment and activity are somehow evil. They aren’t; they’re necessary 
and in no way counterposed to anarchism. We must build an organized, co-ordinated 
international movement aimed at transforming the globe into a mass commune. pro. 



I HEARTILY ACCEPT THE MOTTO - "THAT 
GOVERNMENT IS BEST WHICH GOVERNS 
LEAST"; ... AND CARRIED OUT, IT 
FINALLY AMOUNTS TO THIS, WHICH I 
ALSO BELIEVE - "THAT GOVERNMENT 
IS BEST WHICH GOVERNS NOT AT ALL". 


ANARCHY ENTAILS A DEGREE OF 
ORGANIZATION, BUT BY 
COOPERATION, NOT COERCION. 


13 


THIS article is reprinted fro* 'Open Road' issue 4 (Pall 1977) and was originally 
written by Mark Brothers. While the typist does not totally agree with everything 
contained in the article, I an including it in 'The Sheffield Anarchist* in order to 
■ake the article available to a wider readership than it would normally have (to ny 
knowledge less than half a dozen people in Sheffield read 'Open Road'), and also beoause 
it is a good article on anarchist ideas and methods of organization. 


A CRIMINAL POLICE FORCE ? 


IN view of the large amounts of 
oash and time spent by the State in 
analysing the supposedly 'deviant' 
tendencies and 'abnormal* psychology of 
those amongst us classified as 'criminal', 
is it not surprising that there have 
been few studies on the psychological 
differences between them and the police? 
The reason is not hard to find, and that 
is that all studies based on the usual 
psychological tests and criteria fail to 
find a significant difference. Perhaps 
they are not sufficiently refined, but 
surely, the ordinary member of society 
must ask her/^iimself , there OUGHT to be 
a more profound difference than mere 
possession of a uniform? 

The great majority of the populace, 
living lives which are all too often 
unsatisfying, and which at times seem to 
be horrendously futile, are caught up in 
the schizophrenic dilemma of having to 
conform to the mores of a society, 
cynical and corrupt, with which they 
disagree. The herd instinct of the urge 
to conformity ensures that on this 
battlefield of the mind spontaneity, 
more often than not, is suppressed in 
favour of the routine. The medically 
certified schizophrenic simply gives 
outward expression to this inner conflict. 
However, this war between freedom and 
slavery is continuously recurrent, 
setting up tensions inside the individual 
which are reflected in society as a 
whole, and within its constituent parts. 

The 'criminal* attempts to reduce 
this tension by expressing in the direct 
form of action whatever is most violent 
and outraged in his/her depths. This 
aotion takes on a multitude of forms, 
child-battering, fape and the like at 
one extreme, vandalism, self -exposure 
at the other. The 'policeman' attempts 
to disguise his violence, even to 
Justify it, by donning a uniform. This 
is common knowledge, but it explains why 

14 


the police-force will put up with poor 
salary (so they say), public dislike, 
inconvenient working hours, and a 
general sense of bad conscience. They 
know that they are lucky; they know that 
they oan overtly and successfully get 
away with the anti-social tendencies 
implicit in their makeup. These 
tendencies are at the forefront of a 
policeman's consciousness; he is in a 
stink of perspiration whenever he goes 
into action; he can tolerate nothing in 
the way of an insult, and virtually no 
contradiction; he lies with a simplicity 
and quick confidence which will stifle 
the protest of any upright citizen who 
encounters it innocently for the first 
time. The only difference between a 
'goo<$ 'copper and a 'bad' copper is that 
the former will at least do no more than 
give his own, slanted version of events - 
the latter will make up his own version. 
That is why persons who have been beaten 
up by the jribo police are invariably 
charged with assaulting the police; the 
guiltier the situation in which a copper 
finds himself, the more he will attack 
the victim who is the cause of it. 

There are, it must be said, 'decent' 
policemen in the public imagination. A 
few, very few, are veritable paragons of 
virtue, and some, violent when they are 
young, mellow into modestly corrupt, 
humorous and decently efficient officials. 
Almost everyone who has had close contact 
with the actual, as opposed to the 
reported, day to day activities of our 
'Boys in Blue' (try calling one'boy'!), 
for instance, social workers, squatters, 
pickets, magistrates, victims of crime 
know in their heart of hearts that they 
are an essentially criminal force. They 
are only restrained by their »wn guilt, 
their covert awareness that they are 
imposters, and by a thin leavening of 
career men, whose education, apparent 
rectitude, socially athletic abilities. 


and an almost religious dedication to 
'duty*, make them work for a balance 
between Justice and authority. These men, 
who scare the average copper as much as 
a priest does a choirboy, are the thin 
restraining veneer of civilization on 
the force. That, and the average corrupt 
constable's awareness that he is not 
wanted that much by anyone, anyway. 



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WHAT was it Jim Connell was 
"inspired to write by the Paris Commune 
the heroism of the Russian nihilists, 
the firmness and self-sacrifice of the 
Land Leaguers and the devotion unto 
death of the Chicago Anarchists"? 

"The Red Flag"; it has nothing 
to do with the Russian Communist Party, 
as suggested by Tories - it was written 
in 1889 - nor is it appropriately sung 
at labour rallies. 


PICNIC PROPAGANDA 


attempts have been made to draw together 
the various anarchist groups and 
individuals from different parts of 
the country. The ostensible aim of 
these meetings has almost invariably 
been to set up some sort of national 
federation, and their net result IN 
THIS RESPECT has been one of failure. 
However, the vast majority of anarchists 
in Britain do appreciate the need, even 
the necessity, for some kind of mutual 
contact leading, hopefully, to more 
effective co-operative actions. 

It has been noticeable, at least 
over the past nine years or so, that 
the most enduring contacts between 
groups and individuals have been forged 
INFORMALLY, albeit under a more formalized 
reason for the gathering. Meaningful 
debate has more often occurred outside 
the main forum than inside. Accordingly, 
it occurred to Sheffield comrades some 
years ago that a purely informal 
gathering, optimistically a series of 
such, would prove more fruitful initially 
than the repetition of past failures to 
adopt a structured federal system. 

Encouraged by the success of a 
picnic arranged by London comrades this 
last summer, we in Sheffield have held 
two subsequent get-togethers, one 
publicised (somewhat poorly) on a national 
scale, which was attended by comrades 
from several different towns, the other 
a more localised affair. These were, in 
effect, 'dry runs* which have enabled us 
to adapt a format suitable for a larger 
scale event next year, possibly in late 
springtime 

Our^ s' for holding 

such gat' 

|ing countryside 
•chist group 
(nts, etc. 
aphical 

[rom most other 


ig further 
about 
g suoh 
suggestions 
.d Anarchist 



16 



THE SHEFFIELD ANARCHIST 
BOX 1A, 

341 GLOSSOP ROAD, 

SHEFFIELD S10 2HP 

Sheffield Anarchists can he 
contacted via the above address; 
please send any contributions, 
suggestions, orders for copies of 
the paper, etc., etc. to this 
address. Cheques, PO*s, etc. 
should be made payable to "Sheffield 
Anarchists”. 


None of the original (or liberated 1 ) 
articles in this paper necessarily 
represent the opinion of the Sheffield 
anarchist grouping as a whole, but 
only that of their writer or contrib- 
utor 

The original material in the paper is 
anti-copyright and anyone can do what 
they like with any part of it.... 

Our thanks to the originators of 
borrowed* materials, even if they 
weren*t consulted. 




THE SHEFFIELD 

ANARCHIST 


'VOL . 1 NO. 14 ) MAY 1978 PAY WHAT YOU LIKE 



THE SHEFFIELD ANARCHIST, 
BOX 1A, 

341 GLOSSOP ROAD, 
SHEFFIELD 10. 


This publication is produced by Sheffield 
Anarchists as an aid to the wider 
dissemination of anarchist and libertarian 
viewpoints in the Sheffield area and 
elsewhere. 

Sheffield anarchists can be contacted via 
the above address, from which firther copies 
of this paper are available and to which any 
contributions, suggestions, criticisms, etc 
can be sent. Any contributions of an 
anarchist, libertarian, pagan, humanist 
nature (articles, letters, cartoons, jokes, 
poetry, etc) will be gratefully received. 

None of the original (or 'liberated') 
articles in this paper necessarily represent 
the opinion of the Sheffield grouping as a 
whole, but only that of the writer or 
contributor. Original material in this paper 
is anti-copyright and anyone can do what they 
like with any part of it. 

Our thanks to the originators of 'borrowed' 
materials, even if they weren't consulted. 

Sheffield Anarchists meet on Tuesdays at 
10 HANOVER SQUARE, Sheffield 3 at 7.30pm 
for 8.00. Tel. 731780 


Crashing space for visiting comrades is 
available at 4 HAVELOCK SQUARE, S10. 



SATURDAY MAY 13 

This will take the form of a picnic, 
weather permitting, 

VENUE i Meet at the 'FOX HOUSE’ public 
house, which is about 8 miles west of 
Sheffield on the A625 Sheffield-Hathersage 
road. 

Arrangements will be made for comrades 
wishing to arrive on the Friday. There will 
also be a 'social' on the Saturday night 
for any/all comrades wishing to stay. 

All enquiries to Sheffield Anarchist 
contact address, or phone i 

(0742) 731780 or (0742) 737722 




"It's stopped reigning . . 


NEW LIFE — Issue No. 1 

Anarcho-Situationist magazine 
produced by the Syndicate of 
Initiative, Sheffield 

Price 15p from 341 Glossop Rd. 

Sheffield. 


2 



ABC OF ANARCHISM - BERK MAN 

I want to tell you about anarchism. 

I want to tell you what anarchism Is, because 
it. Also because so little is known about it, and what is known is generally 
hearsay and mostly false. 

I want to tell you about it, because I believe that anarchism is the finest and 
biggest thing man has ever thought of; the only thing that can give you liberty 
and well-being, and bring peace and joy to the world. 

Therefore I must tell you, first of all, what anarchism is not . 

It is NOT bombs, disorder and chaos. 

It is NOT robbery and murder. 

It is NOT a war of each against all. 

It is NOT a return to barbarism or to the wild state of man. 

ANARCHISM IS THE VERY OPPOSITE OF ALL THAT. 

Anarchism means that you should be free; that no-one should enslave you, boss 
you, rob you, or impose upon you. 

It means that you should be free to do the things you want to do; and that you 

should not be compelled to do what you don't want to do. 

It means that you should have a chance to choose the kind of life you want to 

live, and live it without anybody interfering. 

It means that the next fellow should have the same freedom as you, that everyone 
should have the same rights and liberties. ... 

In short, anarchism means a condition of society where all men and women axe 

free, and where all enjoy equally the benefits of an ordered and sensible life. 

ALEXANDER BERKMAN 



IT is capitalism and government 
which stand for disorder and 
violence. Anarchism is the very 
reverse of it; it means order 
without government and peace 
without violence. 


THEY too were storming heaven - 
do you think they fought in vain; 
that because they lost a battle 
they would never rise again; 
that the man with the leaflets, 
the woman with a gun, did not 
have a daughter, did not have 
a son? 


Bored ? 

A Bit Thick ? 

WE COULD USE YOU 

The South Yorkshire Police Force are 
looking for morons to maintain Law and 
Disorder in our society. 

The ability to harass and prevent 
people enjoying themselves and to obey 
without question is a must . Sadistic 
tendencies a distinct advantage. 

Benefits include being able to break 
the law without fear of prosecution.. 

BE AN UNWANTED MEMBER OF SOCIETY 

J 



3 


G TONIGHT 


In Canada and the USA, 1977 was the 
"Year of the Pie" ; some incidents of 
pie-throwing received major media coverage, 
eg, when Eldridge Cleaver was pied in 
Vancouver on Mayday '77» the event and 
the reasons for it received more coverage 
in some Montreal papers than did a 10,000 
strong TU inarch the same day. Could 
1978 be the "Year of the Pie" in Britain? 

The aim of pie-throwing, or 'pieing', 
is to publicly embarrass leading public 
figures, but of equal importance is the 
content of the pie; for instance, Cleaver 
was hit with an Oreo cream pie (chocolate 
on the outside, vanilla in the middle). 
International Pie Week was called for 
Nov. 4-11, '77 by the Anarchist Party of 
Canada (Groucho-Marxist) and unleashed a 
major offensive. Amongst the victims 
were i - 

Canadian Cabinet Minister Ron Basford, 
who signed extradition papers on American 
Indian Movement militant Leonard Peltier, 
sending him back to face two life sentences 
(on trumped-up charges) in the USA 

The President of Robinhood Multifoods 
during a press conference called to defend 
the shooting of 7 strikers at his Montreal 
flour mills 
David Frost 
Guru Maharaji Ji 

Brain surgery experimenter Jose Delgado, 
hit with a cow-brain and tomato sauce 
concoction 

Pieing of the Year '77 was against 
Anita Bryant, american anti-gay campaigner 
and generally one of the most unpleasant 
people this side of Darth Vader, The 
event took place at a press conference she 
gave on her ideas of proposed "homosexual 
rehabilitation centres" | a sobbing Bryant 
made an undignified exit, praying. 

But beware - pieing can have its dangers 
as when one intrepid thrower was put in 
hospital with a fractured skull by a gang 
of Christian fanatics. 

So far, the only victim in Britain 
has been Tory MP Michael Heseltine, who 
was hit at a Tory students meeting in Leeds 
Who says politics can't be fun? Let 
1978 be the Year of the Pie in Britain - 
some of us hope to make it so in Sheffield, 

Alain Lucard 


Cojonef. 

ANSWERi Colonel H. A. Johnstone is the 
'Colonel B' referred to in the 
prosecution of Messrs, Aubrey, Berry 
and Campbell under the Official Secrets 
Act, 

The facts of his identity, ie, , 420864 
Col. H, A. Johnstone, MBE, formerly of the 
Royal Corps of Signals, now of the Army 
General Staff, attached to section DI24, 
was obtained totally legally from 
published sources and published in 
'Peace News' and 'The Leveller'; these 
papers are now being prosecuted for 
so-called 'contempt of court'. 

As anarchists, we have nothing but 
contempt for all bourgeois and 
capitalist- controlled courts, and so we 
are publishing these details in 
solidarity with our comrades under 
prosecution. We echo the sentiments of 
their statement 1 - 

"We are unrepentant about the naming of 
Colonel H.A, Johnstone, We will continue 
to publicise the name of the mysterious 
Colonel B and any official secrets we 
can lay our hands on. This is not mere 
radical hell-raising; official secrets 
laws are used to • . , impose further 
limitations on freedom of speech in 
Britain, 



4 


..AMD THERE WILL BE ABSOLUTELY 
MO RISK VWATSOEVEK.... 



A DECADE OF ANARCHISM IN SHEFFIELD 


My main aim in composing this brief 
summary of anarchism in Sheffield over 
the past ten years is twofold i 

1. To inform comrades at present 
active within our own grouping of our 
antecedents within a roughly dated, tho' 
fairly concise format. 

2. To give encouragement to other 
provincial groupings which may just be 
starting, or going through a phase where 
nothing much seems to be happening. All 
groupings have small beginnings, and go 
through bad patches, but the progress 
of anarchism in any locality need not be 
dependant upon regular meetings, or upon 
the activities of a formally organised 
group as such. 

This is a largely personal account, 
though memory being sometimes at fault, 

I have attempted to verify my reccollect- 
ions by consulting other comrades involved 
during the period. I have divided the 
sequence of events into 'phases' , though 
it must be understood that these were by 
no means distinct from one another, and 
that there was much overlap, and a sense 
of continuity throughout. Names have been 
omitted in the interests of brevity and to 
'protect the innocent'. 


1968-69 

The origins of Sheffield Anarchists 
as an effective grouping lie in the 
proselytising of a folk-singing student, 
who had become aware of anarchism by way 
of the C.N.D. movement in the early and 
middle sixties, and the activity of another 
(female) student who had previously been 
involved with the Harlow Anarchist Group. 

As a result of several conversations a 
number of interested persons agreed to hold 
regular meetings in the back room of a 
local pub. At these meetings (attended 
usually by 6-12 people) 'Freedom' and 
'Anarchy 'magazines were distributed, and 
much discussion, often heated, took place, 
since for most of us the concept of anarchy 
was novel, and we were eager both to learn 
and to pass on to others what we had learned. 

Despite the fact that such advertising 
of meetings as took place was restricted 
to the University, about one-third of those 
attending were non-students. Activities 
during this period included anti-Vietnam 
war demonstrations, attendance of national 
conferences, active participation in the 
Yorkshire Anarchist Federation, and small 


1 

scale distribution of literature. It 
might be added that we had o excellent 
relations with the pub landlord and other 
customers, to the extent of making-up a 
'Tetleys' Quiz League' team. Towards the 
end of this phase, group activity, as such 
declined due to the affliction of Finals 
on the student element, whilst the town 
element was concerned with more individual 
action. 

I 97 O .74 

Due to the falling-off of University 
participation, and the consequently greater 
role played by local comrades, it was 
decided to shift the focus of our weekly 
gatherings to a pub nearer the city centre, 
furthur removed from the campus, but more 
accessible to other Sheffielders. Perhaps 
as a result of this, these gatherings became 
less 'formal', and were not publicised 
except by word-of mouth. The functions of 
the early group being taken over by an 
unorganised grouping. We felt at the time, 
and for several subsequent years, that this 
move towards interacting affinity groups was 
sufficient in itself. 

One of our major problems in the early 
stages had been the lack of a stable address 
but this was overcome by the establishment 
of a household by several comrades (and a 
Trotl)* which latterly became known as 'The 
Commune' locally. This provided a contact 
point for a diffuse movement more concerned 
with activity and experiment, both individ- 
ual and collective, than with traditional 
theory. 

Contact was maintained nationally through 
the ill-fated Anarchist Federation of Britain 
conferences, and the more effective, though 
equally doomed Anarchist Syndicalist Alliance. 
Two A.S.A. conferences were held in Sheffield, 
and a copy of 'Black and Red Outlook' was 
produced here. An offset litho printing pr~ 
press was purchased using money donated by 
anarchists and libertarian socialists, and 
was for some time operated by an anarchist. 

Several comrades from other parts of the 
country took-up residence here, helping us 
to furthur extend our range of talents and 
contacts. A university group was forsed, 
the Freedom Group, which received some cash 
from the Students' Union, enabling regular 
selling of libertarian literature, the 
invitation of outside speakers, the showing 
of at least one film (Dawn Over Spain), and 
fairly regular meetings* jinoderatly attended. 

A small Blask Cross Group was intermittenly 


5 


sending-off parcels, letters etc., 
to anarchists in prison here and 
abroad. Some research was conducted 
at the City Library with reference to 
anarchist activity in the region during 
the last century. Amongst material 
photo-stated were three conies of a 
paper 'The Sheffield Anarchist', 
orinally published in the 1890' s. This 
gave us a valuable awareness of local 
anarchist tradition, and an indentificat 
-ion with our predecessors in the struggle 
for liberty. Numbers involved in these 
and other activities were always 
difficult to estimate, but the town 
group consisted of from twenty to thirty 
individuals, with a university group of 
ten to fifteen. 

1975-77 

During this period the Commune 
non-functioning for two years, was 
regenerated, and once again became a 
fulcrum for action. A national ^confer- 
ence i 'Unity in Diversity' was held in 
the City Hall, which was well attended 
by local comrades, with a reasonable 
attendance from other areas. A Third 
World handicrafts and books shop was 
opened, Ujamaa, with anarchist/libert- 
arian-socialist participation which has 
since become the prime source of Left/ 

Third World/Altemative/Anarchist 
literature in the region. A closer contact 
between university and town was establish 
-ed, resulting in the production of 'The 
Sheffield Anarchist' nos 11 and 12, which 
had an encouraging reception locally, 
nationally and even internationally. 
Publication of no. 13 was delayed by a 
variety of causes for a period of two 
years, during which time the Freedom 
Group disintegrated. 

Attendance of national conferences at 
Warwick and Stoke acted as a stimulus to 
overcome our endemic regional isolation- 
ist tendancies (We'er all right, Jill, 
so what ' s the point bothering with 
conferences, federations and the like?). 
Last summer (1977) we got together a 
rather poorly publicised national picnic, 
and followed that up with a more local- 
ised affair. Both were very enjoyable and 
enabled us to make new contacts, as well 
as to review our own organisation, or 
lack of it. As an indirect outcome it was 
agreed that a possible fault in our 
informal structure and 'word of mouth' 
approach, was that people to whom anarchism 
might be of interest, might not be aware 
of the existence of a group in the area. 
Affinity groups in their various forms are 
notoriously difficult for Authority to 


locate and deal with, but unless one 
happens to know, or know of, one of these 
elusive anarchists, the same also applies 
to potencial sympathisers. Dissemirtation 
of information, and effective response has 
been poor, due to reliance on more or less 
chance meetings. Accordingly, whilst retain 
-ing a generally informal structure, we now 
have regualar weekly meetings, a mutual 
financing arrangement, a more efficient 
secretariat, and are exploring the possib- 
ilities of various forms of propaganda. The 
town group now numbers about thirty, and a 
reconstituted university group has a nominal 
membership of about twenty. 

This, in a city of 500,000 inhabitants 
represents 0. 00001# of the population, which 
leaves us a bit of room for expansion in the 
following decade. 

COMMENT 

Throughout the past ten years anarchism 
in Sheffield has always encompassed a variety 
of viewpoints, ranging from situationism to 
communism, pacifism to individualism, and 
all points between. This has engendered much 
fruitful and valuable discourse, but without 
serious dissention as yet. We believethat 
this is partly due to our small numbers (ie. 
hardly sufficient to form a breakawaygroup) 
and partly to the atmosphere of tolerance 
brought about by close social interaction. 

During the same period we have employed 
several methods of organisation, none of 
which was either right or wrong . Methods of 
working together have been selected, 
conciously or unconciously , as to which ever 
was the most appropiate to both the situation 
appertaining and to the individuals involved. 
There is no more appalling spectacle than 
that of a good anarchist group crucified 
upon the cross of an inappropiately rigid 
organisational structure. 

Individuals, often in cooperation with 
othersof like mind, have pursued such courses 
and issues as have most suited their 
inclinations and abilities. These have 
included* Vietnam, women, education, communes, 
squatting, claimants unions, anti NF, no nukes. 
Such diversity of opinion within the anarchist 
group is one of our most precious attributes. 
However, the anarchists, as a group, have 
been largely concerned with the spred of 
ANARCHISM, rather than its manifestations. 

This system, patriarchal, authoritive and 
divisive, provides anarchist archers with a 
target too large to be easily missed. 

All we've got to do is to get people 

to make their own bows and arrows! ! 


6 



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INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WO^LD 

If anyone is interested in a union 
that is militant, organized from below 
and that is controlled by the rank and 
file, a union where the people in 
positions of responsibility are fully 
accountable to those who put them there, 
then the IWW is the union for you. It 
is perhaps the oldest union which is 
truly international, having locals in 
most of the English-speaking world, 
and elsewhere such as Scandanavia. Also 
it is the only union in this country to 
have facilities for the unemployed and 
the woman or man engaged in household 
domestic work. It is organized 
industrially, that is on wider grounds 
than craft unions. It doesn't matter 
what you do in an industry, you 
organize in that industrial unit, which 
saves a lot of factional fighting and 
allows the concerted action of all those 
involved. Solidarity is much easier to 
achieve in this form of organization and 
thus benefits the working person. If 
you are interested in expanding the IWW 
membership in Sheffield, then contact 
Des or Rita at 667029 or via the 
Sheffield Anarchists. 


Before all else I ought to say that 
governments are repugnant to me. I am 
firmly convinced that there is not, and 
cannot be a good government. They are 
all bad, whether they call themselves 
absolute monarchies or constitutional 
republics. Government i« tyranny 
because it curtails the individuals free 
initiative, and the sole purpose it 
serves is to uphold a social system 
which is unsuitable for the true 
development of human beings. Governments 
are the guardians of the interests of 
the rich and educated classes and the 
destroyers of the sacred rights of 
the proletariat. 

Ricardo FI. ores Magon 


Humanity will only be happy when the 
last capitalist has been s trangled with 
the guts of the last bureaucrat — and 
the 'last judge with the gut s of the 
last cleric. 


7 


Propaganda 


Propaganda need not be elaborate and 
expensive, and in Sheffield we have been 
experimenting- with some of the simpler 
forms that people may have overlooked,, 

1) BADGES 

Amongst all the badges being produced at 
the moment, there are very few, if any, 
anarchist or anarchic ones. A-symbols can 
be done quite simply; take any old badge 
and paint over it to give a background 
( 'Humbrol '-type model -kit paints or spray- 
cans are best) and when dry paint on the 
A in a different colour, or, if you're 
not using black for your background colour 
then black 'Letraset' is quite effective. 
Some shops sell 1" diameter badges in 
plain colours (in Sheffield, Andrews behind 
City Hall sells them at 5p each), 

2) STICKERS 

These can be produced relatively cheaply 
by most commercial printers, but a cheap 
DIY method (also useful for slogans that a 
commercial printer might not do; is to use 
plain white gummed labels; these come in a 
variety of sizes, but 5 M x3" are Drobably 
about best. Slogans, symbols, etc can then 
be written on with waterproof marker pens. 

A selection of slogains is on the next page 
for anyone stuck for ideas. 

3) SPRAYPAINTING 

A variation on the normal method that one 
comrade came up with is the use of a 
template. Cut your slogan or symbol out of 
a piece of sturdy card, place the card 
against a wall or window and then give a 
quick spray over the card with the paint to 
leave your message behind. Although the 
result is smaller, the method is quicker, 
so that if you're putting graffitti up in 
well-lit areas, there's less chance of 
being apprehended by the "guardians of law 
and order". 


What is this thing we call government? Is 
it anything else but organized violence? 
The law orders you to do this or not to do 
that, and if you. fail to obey, it will 
compel you by force . .. all government, 
all law and authority finally rest on 
force and violence, on punishment or fear 
of punishment. 

Alexander Berkman 


uIEFFIELD BLACK CROSb 

The Sheffield Black Cross is hoped 
to be like any other Black Gross gi'oup, 
for the aid of prisoners and anarchist 
prisoners in particular. The aim is to 
provide money where it is needed and 
other support in the form of letters 
to the prisoners themselves and also 
letters of crotest to the imprisoning 
authorities. The people we hope to 
support are i 

ir Britain, three comrades who art 
in Wormwood Scrubs at present serving 
seven y«ars for armed robbory, that 
is Phil Ruff, Brian Gibbons an rl Dave 
Campbell ; 

in Greece there are a number of 
anarchists ir: prison or facing trial 
because of their beliefs; names can 
be given on request. They are being 
held by means of frame-ups, snurious 
charges, and they also suffer oeatings 
by the police; 

in Americe, there are suer, topic 
as Emily Harris (and Bill) and als., 
Komboa , a black militant who was 
tricked into returning to American 
soil and then suffered beatings and 
is now in prison. 

In addition to the support of these 
people at the moment, we would like 
to support any further people who 
become victims of the prison system 
as well as other organizations who 
are involved in the same, such as tne 
Anarchist Black Cross, Hapotoc, the 
Joe Hill Memorial Committee and the IWW 
General Defense organizations. The 
Sheffield Black Cross can be contacted 
at i 

Box 13C, 341 Clossop Road, 
Sheffield 10 
Phone 667029 or ? 31780 


What is, traditionally , the anarchist 
flag - black or red & black? 

The black flag as a symbol of revolt 
is said to have originated in Rheims 
in 1831 ("Work or death") in am 
unemployed demonstration, but was 
raised by Louise Michel as an anarchist 
flag in 1883, which it has been 
regarded as ever since. The flag 
of the labour movement (not necessarily 
only of socialism) is red. The CNT 
of Spain originated the red-and-black 
of anarcho-syndicalism (anarchism 
plus the labour movement). 


8 


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SPAIN 1936 to 1977 


SPAIN in 1936 threw up two of the 
greatest talking points for anarchists 
- the collaboration of CNT-FAI militants 
and 'leaders', and the creation of a 
short-lived but nonetheless practical 
example of libertarian communism in the 
collectives. 

What lessons can we draw from these 
two occurences? 

First of all, how could declared 
anarchists enter government and sell the 
revolution to the supposed problems of 
war? Secondly, what does the practical 
example of the collectives mean even today 

Upon the first point all I can say 
is that the CNT-FAI 'leaders' had become 
leaders, at least in their own minds. Even 
in the face of the collectives they could 
not see that their actions were endang- 
ering the revolution that had been 
declared by the grass-roots level of the 
GNT. 

In the long history of the GNT much 
had happened to damage its anarchist 
spirit. The repeated illegal isations and 
the problems of carrying on in the face 
of them could only have a deep effect on 
such an organisation. What had been 
created within the GNT was a political 
party - elections for posts, the creation 
of a bureaucracy and the favour shown to 
certain militants (their adoption as 
guides, or leading militants) - these 
are the hallmarks of the beginnings of 
authority and masters. Stagnating into 
accepted procedures and the acclaim of 
a vast following could have only one 
effect upon those militants 1 the 
subconscious, if not worse, feeling of 
POWER. 

As soon as the rebellion of Franco 
and the falangists had taken place, those 
leading militants were faced with a gross 
dilemmai fascism and all its horrors, or 
'democracy' and milder horrors. It did not 
occur to them that the people would 
decide. They had been too long at the top 
of the GNT to think in terms of their will 
When the leaders of the CNT-FAI were 
offered posts in the government, they 
succu mbed to the oldest of all tricks 1 
the bribe of surprise. The authoritarian 
who made this offer knew full well that 
authority could win by bringing them over 
to its side. After all, how could these 
people lead an anti-authoritarian revo- 
lution if they were in positions of 
authority? (How can an . anti-author itarian 
revolution be led at all?) 


\ 

If there is blame to be laid at 
anyone s door I must blame the syndicalists 
and the syndicalist structure of the GNT. 
This organization was large and struct- 
ured, it had posts to be filled aund a 
bureaucracy to operate. Here we have a 
small state inside am organization 
dedicated to libertarian communism. No 
wonder it threw up leaders and the defeat, 
not only of the anti-fascist cause (not 
entirely its fault), but also of the 
collectives. 

The collectives were the beginnings 
of a true expression of human potential. 
They were destroyed as much by their friend 
the CNT as by their enemies, the author- 
itarians, both falangist and republican. 

In them, people truly met each other and 
lived, instead of existing in the yoke of 
someone else's profit. 

I hope this article will make our 
comrades of the GNT look and consider 
their past, I know this is happening to 
a certain extent, but I fear that it may 
be up to them to show the rest of us 
the way once more. To others, please 
consider all organizations. Do not 
dismiss them absolutely, but make them 
creative and unrestrictive. To all 
comrades - Salud. 

Nik Noir 



10 


SPECIAL BRANCH 


NON-VIOLENT REVOLUTION 


According to information given in 
Parliament, the size of the Special Branch 
is " 1 % of the total size of the police 
force". This would give a theoretical 
total of 1100 in England and Wales and 80 
in Scotland. 550 are said to operate from 
Scotland Yard, so on a theoretical 
distribution of the others according to 
the size of local forces, this would give 
9 in Durham, whereas according to the 
Chief Constable's Annual Report for 1976, 
there are 14. Either the overall figure is 
an underestimate, or, possibly, the SB is 
more concentrated in urban and industrial 
areas | the evidence suggests the former 
explanation. 

The theoretical figure of 80 in 
Scotland gave 41 in Strathclyde and 14 in 
Lothian & Borders, whereas the actual 
numbers, according to the ' Glasgow Evening 
Times', is 60 in Strathclyde and 21 in the 
Lothian A Borders force (both these 
figures about 50 ^ above the estimate). 

This suggests that the total number of SB 
in England and Wales is at least l600. 

For South Yorkshire, the Chief 
Constable's Reports give no mention of 
Special Branch; the theoretical number is 
17, but the above examples suggest that it 
is likely to be at least 25-30# 

The number of police receiving firearms 
training is on the increase; the Home 
Office recommends that 1<# of every force 
has some weapons training - in S. Yorks, 
this means about 200. There is also in 
S. York shire a "special group" of 3° (at 
least, that's the figure they'll admit 
to) who are trained in tactics as well as 
arms, and on a much more regular basis. 

Quote; "THE SPECIAL BRANCH COLLECTS 
INFORMATION ON THOSE WHOM I THINK CAUSE 
PROBLEMS FOR THE STATE." 

Interior Minister Merlyn Rees 
in Hansard 2. 3# 78 

Are your lads keeping an eye on us 
anarchists, Mr. Barrett? 

Alain Lucard 


WE ARE THE SPG 

We arm, we are, we are the SPG, 
We are, we are, we are the SPG, 
We're not human, we're not sane, 
We'll beat you to your knees, 

We are the SPG. 

(SPG - Special Patrol Group) 


My vision of non-violent revolution 
isn't of a mass movement sweeping away the 
institutions of the status quo, but of 
people acting in their own situations to 
take control of their own lives and 
asserting different values, values which 
have been systematically suppressed in the 
growth of a society based on domination, 
competition and a disregard for life. 

Hierarchy - extending from the 
domination of children by adults and of 
women by men right to the pinnacles of 
social power - is not simply a habit from 
which we can free ourselves by willpower, 
but a principle of organization built into 
the basis of our social system. But 
hierarchical structures do not exist 
Independently of us and simply outside us- 
they depend on our acquiescence and even 
our active participation in them, and 
they are as firmly planted in ways of life 
and thinking as in the material organizat- 
ion of society. 

Nonviolent anarchism therefore poses 
not only the traditional revolutionary 
question, "who is in control?", but, 
recognising that patriarchy binds together 
technocratic, anti-ecological and 
imperialist attitudes in every aspect of 
our lives, adds "how might we live?" - 
questions about life-style, sexuality, 
re source -usage, quality. 

Attempts at social revolution always 
run the risk of violence, for no ruling 
elite will surrender its power of its own 
accord. Revolutionaries are often asked 
whether or not it is NECESSARY to use 
violence in making revolution. For 
nonviolent anarchists, however - who 
believe that the means we adopt in trying 
to make a revolution should embody the 
crucial aspects of the society we're 
trying to bring into existence - the 
question we need to discuss is HCW TO 
MAKE NONVIOLENT REVOLUTION POSSIBLE. 

I believe that nonviolence has to 
be grounded in a growing culture which 
combines communitarianism with struggle, 
imagination with feeling, attention to 
the details of everyday life with a 
worldview, and determination with 
responsibility. That culture is 
reflected in the potential convergence 
of anarchism and feminism. 

(The above is taken from the pamphlet 
'Making nonviolent revolution' by 
Howard Clark. ) 


A THOUSAND AND FIRST LOOK AT ANARCHISM 


ONE of the views I get of anarchism after this my first short period of real 
involvement, is the warring state which tends to break out at times. This warring 
is the result of tension which exists between differing ideologies sometimes 
developing into open hostilities, but more often remaining the sort of hostility 
which bars people from radical cooperation. The problem is that one particular 
approach is expanded into an ideology whereas it should be recognized as either 
just one approach or the answer to just one question. This is particularly evident 
in the dichotomy between violent and non-violent or armed and un-armed forms of 
activity. 

In my view neither can win as they stand. The pacifist or unarmed struggle 
not primarily because it is liberal, but because it can and does devolve into 
liberal reformism. It does so via the strictures of legality, the form of struggle 
put forward reinforcing the limits of legality by remaining generally within the 
limits of this society's legality and also by creating its own legality which 
appears as a morality. Also, it requires a level of mass movement which I believe 
it impossible to attain so as to win - literally the entire, or 90#, of the unarmed 
population. The aimed struggle has the problems of relevance and alienation. In a 
society such as Britain’s, where the institutionalised violence is so subtle, and 
where overt violence is so easily covered by the means of massive statist 
propaganda, the armed struggle can only alienate if it stands on its own. It does 
not alienate only where that power of the state does not exist, as in the poorer 
and less able states, where statist manipulation is blunt and simple. 

My statement that neither can win on their own does not mean that both 
approaches should be abandoned. No-one would be sane if they did not realise that 
the armed struggle taken up as the defence of the already igniting revolution at 
the right moment may well have to happen. The rush to arms at the wrong moment 
would be a catastrophic blow estranging many. Secondly, the refusal of arms would 
be to dig one's own grave. 

The basis of revolutionary practice must be to win while no-one is looking. 

The method of non-violent action is all too public on a large scale and the armed 
struggle is public in a frighteningly mystical way. Pacifism has the attack of a 
moralistic propaganda but its cure is drawn out and precarious. The armed struggle 
cam be clinically accurate amd effective in a limited way but can also be 
frightening and mystifying to those without a true revolutionary consciousness, 
it can be un constructive and uncreative. The sense of pacifism must go with us, 
the anarchist society is one of peace. The liberating aspects of one act of 
violence is immensely useful, it could so easily free us from the deep condit- 
ioning of this society, and its urge to not harm the valued categories of this 
society. Our victory must begin by creating the community and the communication 
which have been excluded by this society and which are needed for anarchist 
relations, before they need to be tested in full and open opposition to the status 
quo. By this I do not mean an anarchism which does not reach outside of the 
privacy of the home and friendship. But that anarchism must win in the sense of 
community and communication before the state declares its inevitable war on a 
massive scale so as to defeat the budding revolution. 

One thing that the RAF has bequeathed to me, if no-one else, is the fact 
that even though they have engaged in the armed struggle as much for the reason of 
acquiring the knowledge of how to wage such a struggle, they have not passed on 
that knowledge. They have shown that opposition is possible but the state has been 
able to use that to paint a picture of the revolutionary as a technician and so 
to take the Impulse of opposition away from the common people. The RAF has tried 
to point out the fact that armed opposition is possible for most, but this does 
not seem to have been gotten across. The simple fact of an opposition to the 
subtly fascist regime-without-opposition is now apparent, even if they have fallen 
into the trap of becoming a gaggle of heroic angels. They have succumbed to being 
glittering objects of the pseudo-revolutionary as much as the lights in a 
situation of darkness for the committed revolutionary. The basic experience of 
opposition and armed defence is something which we must also learn and carry on, 
adding to it all the time, and to those who will take up the struggle after us. 

12 


The techniques which will defend the emergent revolution must be available from 
the outset so as to save as many lives as possible and to hasten the success of 
that revolution. 

Our first steps must be to build an active opposition to the subtle 
techniques of manipulation which are so abundant in our society. We must begin our 
revolution in everyday life by negating the everyday life of the status quo. Our 
tasks should be to begin the awakening from our commodity-ridden spectacular 
sleep. How should we do this? By forming amongst ourselves outgoing communities 
which, despite differences, can work, live and communicate together. 

We must above all begin by making our working lives and our leisure something 
different. Our behaviour must change in its very essence. The manner of this 
change can best be encapsulated by the phrase - we must absorb this life in its 
entirity, add to that our vision and create out of the two our new society. We 
begin here and now by subverting the empty of our lives and expanding the full. 

One of the largest regions of emptiness in everyday life is that of technology 
These are the barren wastes of industrial society. It is the area in life which 
is crowded with the worship of abstracted science applied to an abstracted society 
with abstracted goals. Technology is sent as a delivering angel but it tells us 
simply the whereabouts of further estrangements from a life of quality, delivering 
us into a life of fragments entirely without meaning and with only the lie of 
satisfaction. 

One thing we should not do is to abandon the entirety of the technological 
experience. Its failure is in being applied too early in the wrong context or with 
the wrong values for its application. We should subvert it by bringing it into the 
arena of passion. Technology must be fully humanised by being placed at the feet 
of our desires. 

As we change our behaviour, for instance in the subversion of technology and 
in the creation of a new form of community based upon the realisation that we all 
have desires to be fulfilled, the question I put initially of violence or pacifism 
becomes redundant. Just as technology pro or anti is seen in the wrong light, the 
light of this society with its false contexts, false situations and values which 
are empty of all but falsity, the question of violence pro or anti is false. Both 
technology and violence shall appear in new forms as we near the fruition of our 
designs, the difference, I believe, shall be that of passion. Our desires as 
passionate desires shall have the force of violence and the substance and 
ingenuity of technology. The whole category of means and ends shall become 
meaningless as moral polarities fall before passionate communication which knows 
only itself and simply cannot fit the strictures of moral analysis. 

Morality and the analytical feature of means and ends occur as problems 
only in this society because we feel we have to polarise good and evil. We do 
this for our own ends as the practice of false security. Consequently, as we find 
our integral identities, the need for morality shall disappear and with it the 
entire problem of the armed struggle and non-violent action. The problem as such 
arises out of the hypocrisy of the state, which pretends a generalised pacifism 
but in actuality acts as though at permanent war, 

I said earlier that the revolution shall succeed by us winning while no-one 
Is looking. By this I mean that victory should not be based upon the classical 
principle of war, of might overcoming the enemy, be the struggle violent or 
non-violent. In such a classical form of struggle tension and activity would build 
until the opposition - authority, the state, the law - capitulates. This has been 
the fora of all previous struggles and their possibilities have always been lost 
to further authority. The winning revolution might be characterised by an 
eventual calming of tension as people return to their everyday lives but in 
new ways. Instead of coming home from the trenches or a sit-in one would be 
returning from the initial exposition of rebellion to a new society which you are 
going to build from within. The creative and constructive aspects of the dawn 
would manifest themselves while the police and the army are still on the streets. 
The revolutionary militias would only Intervene at the point of the authoritar- 
ians' frustrations when he or she loses off a round in desperation, 

Nik Noir 


13 




Anarchism has declared war on the pernicious 
influences which have so far prevented the 
harmonious blending of individual and social 
instincts, the individual and society. 

Religion, the dominion of the human raindj 
Property, the dominion of human needs and 
Government, the dominion of human conduct, 
represent the stronghold of man's enslavement 
and all the horrors it entails. Religion I 
How it dominates man's mind, how it 
humiliates and degrades his soul. God is 
everything, man is nothing, says religion. 

But out of that nothing God has created a 
kingdom so despotic, so tyrannical, so 
cruel, so terribly exacting that naught but 
gloom and taers and blood have ruled the 
world since gods began. Anarchism rouses 
man to rebellion against this black monster. 
Break your mental fetters, says Anarchism 
to man, for not until you think and judge 
for yourself will you get rid of the 
dominion of darkness, the greatest obstacle 
to all progress. 

EMMA GOLDilAN 



'o 



15 


For us it is a question of crushing 
fascism once and for all. Yes, and in 
spite of government. 

No government in the. world fights fascism 
to the death. When the bourgeoisie sees 
power slipping from its grasp it has 
recourse to fascism to maintain itself. 
The liberal government of Spain could 
have rendered the fascist elements 
powerless long ago. Instead it temporised 
and compromised and dallied. Even now at 
this moment, there are men in this 
government who want to go easy with the 
rebels. You never can tell, you know - 
the present government might yet need 
these these rebellious forces to crush 
the workers' movement, 

Buenaventura Durutti 
Sept. I 936 


On March 28 , 1915» addressing a 
mixed audience of 600 people in New 
York '8 popular Sunrise Club, E mma. 
(Goldman) publicly explained for the 
first time anywhere in America how to 
use a contraceptive. She was soon 
arrested, and after a stormy, sensational 
trial, she was given the choice of 15 
days in the workhouse or a 100 dollar 
fine. Having already served a year in 
prison back in 1894 for an inflammatory 
speech, she had no qualms about 15 
days. When she chose jail the entire 
courtroom cheered her. Margaret 
Anderson of "The Little Review" observed 
"Emma Goldman was sent to prison for 
advocating that women need not always 
keep their mouths shut and their wombs 
open." As soon as her sentence was up, 
Emma went right back to delivering the 
same lectures all over the country. 
Arrested repeatedly, she turned every 
courtroom she could into a public 
forum on the right of a woman to 
control her own body ... 

From the introduction to 
'The Traffic in women and other essays* 


"There can be no separation of the 
revolutionary process from the 
revolutionary goal. A society based on 
self-administration must be achieved 
by self-administration." 

Murray Book chin 



FAREWELL l 

We cannot break our chains with weak 

desire, 

With whines and supplicating cries. 

'Tis not by crawling meekly in the mire 
The free-winged eagle learns to mount 

the skies. 

The gladiator, victor in the fight, 

On whom the hard-contested laurels fall, 
Goes not into the arena pale with fright 
But steps forth fearlessly, defying all, 

0 victory, 0 victory, dear and fair, 

Thou crownest him who does his best, 

Who, perishing, still unafraid to bear, 
Gbes down to dust, thy image in his breast. 

Farewell, 0 comrades, I scorn life as a 

slave! 

1 begged no tyrant for my life, though 

sweet it was* 

Though chained, I go un conquered to my 

grave, 

Dying for my own birthright - and the 

world's. 

RICARDO FLORES MAGON 

(Written just before his murder in 
Leavenworth Penitentiary, Nov. 22, 1922) 

16 


Printed by Sheffield Anarchist Press, 310 Albert Rd*, S8 





THE SHEFFIELD 

ANARCHIST 

VOL. 2 NO. I NOV. 1978 pay what you like 

The 

new head of 

MI6 is: 

ARTHUR FRANKS 

New MI5 phone no. : 

01-222 6266 


PLUS-- PERSONS UNKNOWN 

sim fascism 





welcome 


Welcome to this issue (Vol.2 No.l) of 
the "Sheffield Anarchist ", which has 
been produced by the Sheffield 
Autonomous Anarchists, in conjunction 
with the Sheffield Young Autonomists* 

We apologise for the delay since the 
last issue(Vol.l N 0 .I 4 ), which was due 
mainly to difficulties in Sheffield 
which we'll not go into in this 
introduction. 

We hope that we will be able now 
to produce the paper on a more-or-less 
monthly basis, hopefully, when there is 
sufficient interest and numbers of 
people involved, expanding from the 
present format* 

We want to make the paper a much 
more open forum for the discussion of 
anarchist ideas, especially in Sheffield 
and the Yorkshire area, as well as 
printing news and views of what's going 
on in the world, and all the other 
functions of the paper (whatever they 
are - who said bogpaper?)* So, please - 
let's have lots of feedback and 
involvement . 


BUZBY 


SAYS 



BIG 


BROTHER 


WHOST TAPPING 
YOUR PHONE 


DEPT. 



Paces move across the screen as the 
camera scams the crowd. Suddenly, the 
picture freezes and zooms in on one 
particular face* In front of the TV 
screen, the voice speaks into its 
microphone, "That's the one we wamt this 
time, the one with dark hair and sun- 
glasses, about five rows back in the 
middle behind the big union banner", 
amd outside in the street, a dozen cops 
race from a sidestreet to grab the 
victim. 

Science fiction of 1984? No, it 
could happen in Sheffield very soon 
thanks to the "eye-in- the -sky" cameras 
that are proposed for the city centre. 

Close-circuit TV cameras, which cam 
scam entire streets and cam zoom up on 
particular spots are plamned for the city 
centre, supposedly to improve the bus 
service, but even "The Star" gives the 
game away when it says the "cameras 
could also be used by police.... to 
monitor traffic movements" - amd also 
to monitor people. 


•••A HHvdiM for 
TH£ SniXAL-Z 

UK6 ■■ ' 

* 

®Uck fif\q